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Sarney (1985-1990)[edit]

The majority in the Constituent Assembly was formed by the Democratic Centre (PMDB, PFL, PTB, PDS, and smaller parties), also known as "Big Centre" (Centrão). They were supported by the executive branch and represented conservative factions of the society, and had a decisive influence in the work of the Constituent and the outcome of important decisions, such as the duration of then President Sarney's term, the maintenance of the agrarian policy and the role of the Armed Forces.
Under the 1967–1969 Constitution enacted by the military, the electoral college was composed of all the members of the Brazilian bicameral National Congress (formed by Senators and Federal Deputies) and also of a number of State Deputies who were especially elected by their peers in the State Assemblies for the purpose of serving as delegates of those Assemblies in the electoral college. The 1982 legislative elections had already taken place under the process of gradual restoration of democratic freedoms, and the opposition had a slim majority of seats in the Chamber of Deputies, but the governing party, allied with the Military Regime, still controlled the Senate (only a fraction of the composition of the Senate had been up for election in 1982, other senators had been elected indirectly in the late 1970s).
Two groups were disputing the succession of President João Figueiredo: the Democratic Alliance and the Democratic Social Party.
  • The Democratic Alliance, which advocated the restoration of democracy through the creation of a new Constitution, launched the candidacy of Tancredo Neves from the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB). The MDB led the Alliance and was supported by the Liberal Front Party, a dissidence of the Democratic Social Party, and the Democratic Labour Party.
  • The Democratic Social Party (PDS, former ARENA), on the other hand, defended the legacy of the 1964 military regime. Colonel Mário Andreazza was the preferred candidate of outgoing President General João Figueiredo, but the membership of the PDS was no longer disciplined: former São Paulo Governor Paulo Maluf defeated Andreazza in the Party's Convention, resulting in a split.
After Maluf's nomination, many members left the Party and joined the Opposition MDB (including José Sarney, who went on to become Tancredo Neves's running mate in a political deal that secured for the Opposition the votes of the electoral college members who defected from the PDS and joined the MDB).
Results: Neves/Sarney 480, Maluf/Marcílio 180
On 14 March 1985, just one day prior to his inauguration, President-elect Tancredo Neves fell ill with strong abdominal pain, so that he could not appear before Congress to take office. José Sarney, who was elected Vice-President, took office as Vice-President on inauguration day, and immediately became Acting President. This marked only the second time in Brazil's republican history that a sitting government peacefully transferred power to the opposition. On 21 April 1985, Neves died from a generalized infection. Although he was never technically President because he never took the constitutional oath, he died during his Presidential term and Congress passed a special statute, directing that his name be included on the official list of Brazilian presidents as a matter of homage. Upon the death of the President-elect, Acting President Sarney succeeded to the Presidency.

Figueiredo (1979-1984)[edit]

Pro-democracy Diretas Já demonstration in 1984.
In 1984, Diretas Já demonstrators took over the country and epitomized the newly regained freedoms of assembly and expression, but the movement's primary objective was not attained, and the 1985 presidential election was held indirectly, via selected electoral college. The opposition vigorously struggled for passing a constitutional amendment that would allow direct popular Presidential elections in November 1984, but the proposal failed to win passage in the Congress. Opposition's candidate Tancredo Neves succeeded Figueiredo when Congress held an election for the new President.
However, the political developments were overshadowed by increasing economic problems. As inflation and unemployment soared, the foreign debt reached massive proportions making Brazil the world's biggest debtor owing about US$90 billion to international lenders. The austerity program imposed by the government brought no signs of recovery for the Brazilian economy.
In 1981 the Congress enacted a law on restoration of direct elections of state governors. The general election of 1982-11-15 brought a narrow victory to ARENA's successor, pro-government Democratic Social Party (43.22% of the vote), while the opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement Party received 42.96% of votes. The governorship of three major states, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais, was won by the opposition.
In the early 1980s, the military regime could no longer effectively maintain the two-party system established in 1966. The Figueiredo administration dissolved the government-controlled National Renewal Alliance Party (ARENA) and allowed new parties to be formed. The President was often incapacitated by illness and took two prolonged leaves for health treatment in 1981 and 1983, but the civilian vice president Antônio Aureliano Chaves de Mendonça did not enjoy major political power.
An amnesty law, signed by Figueiredo on 28 August 1979, amnestied those convicted of "political or related" crimes between 1961 and 1978.
In 1979, President João Figueiredo steered the country back to democracy and promoted the transfer of power to civilian rule, facing opposition from hardliners in the military. Figueiredo was an Army General and former head of the secret service, National Intelligence Service of Brazil. As president, Figueiredo continued the gradual "abertura" (democratization) process that was begun in 1974.

Geisel (1974-1979)[edit]

see Political opening of Brazil
In 1978 Geisel had to deal with the first labor strikes since 1964 and electoral victories of the opposition MDB. In late December 1978 he announced the end of the authoritarian Institutional Act 5, allowed exiled citizens to return, restored habeas corpus and full political rights, repealed the extraordinary powers of the president, and planned the indirect election of General João Figueiredo as his successor.
In 1977 and 1978, the presidential succession issue caused further political confrontation between Geisel and hard-liners. Noting that Brazil was only a "relative democracy," Geisel attempted in April 1977 to restrain the growing strength of the opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB) party by allowing other opposition parties to run, thereby splitting the opposition vote. In October, he dismissed far-right Minister of Army, General Sylvio Couto Coelho da Frota, who had tried to become a candidate.[1]
Geisel adopted a more moderate stance with regards to political opposition. Together with his Chief of Staff, Minister Golbery do Couto e Silva Geisel devised a plan of gradual, slow democratization that would eventually succeed despite all the threats and opposition from hard-liners. He replaced several regional commanders with trusted officers and labeled his political program abertura and distensão, meaning a gradual relaxation of authoritarian rule. It would be, in his words, "the maximum of development possible with the minimum of indispensable security.". In 1974 elections opposition won more votes than before. However, the torture of regime's left-wing and Communist opponents by DOI-CODI was still ongoing, as demonstrated by the 1975 murder of Vladimir Herzog.